English philosopher Thomas Hobbes necessitated the existence of a central authority— a Leviathan— to govern people. Nobel laureate duo, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson deconstruct Thomas Hobbes’s broad idea of a Leviathan into a small, digestible concept in their book, The Narrow Corridor, and argue that the Leviathan’s existence can more narrowly be examined in three forms based on the government’s policies, stance and aggression towards their people.
One of the forms of leviathan, the Nobel laureates duo write, is the “absent leviathan”: a place of anarchy within a leviathan’s jurisdiction. I let readers guess whether this “absent leviathan” should be called an oxymoron or a paradox, since both, at some place, match the definition. What readers decide which term well describes this strange phrase has no impact on the people of district Kashmore, who have been living under this strange form of leviathan for decades. A shout-out is a minimum the Nobel laureates duo deserve given their allocation of a term that best describes communities, cultures or regions under circumstances virtually ungoverned by the existing leviathan.
District Kashmore, with the rare feature of connecting Pakistan’s three provinces, is notoriously known for being a personal fiefdom of the bandits who reign and rule by choice. The district’s population concomitantly has become subject for loot, extortion and kidnapping on quotidian basis, with the Hindu business community falling prey more frequently than other communities. Shabby, bidirectional and earthen roads make loot and kidnappings easy pickings for the gun-powered unknown ghosts that prey on everything extractable. Facilitators— individual informers for potential prey— ice the cake for actual performers that minimizes the risk to be caught (though that happens once in blue moon) red-handed and considerably reduces the on-spot robbery time.
The invisible (and virtually invincible) bandits majorly contribute to lawlessness by demanding monthly extortions in the district though, the fresh, uncaught criminals also do damage to add to overall banditry. Essentially, the first-time offenders rob out of (probably) joblessness and a go-between mediated settlement pile the cases of plunder and lawlessness. That is, uncaught criminals extensively rob, the formerly criminal, now relinquished individuals, act as intermediaries to help the victim recover the robbed materials for (almost) a ransom of half the actual cost.
Blackmailing, honey trapping and extortion and other likewise income streams make banditry a parasitical profession that allows bandits to search for hosts, fully feed on them and leave. Such a profitable profession allows notorious and uncaught criminals alike to roam on Facebook and other social sites to hunt the potential prey. Plus, their pretty much influential presence on social media causes social activists, influencers, journalists, and writers to become reluctant to write against, criticize or condemn their actions since any single post can bring one on the radar of these parasites. To play safe, journalists and writers, including this one, preferably use this language for communication and awareness since by hook or crook, the banditry perpetuates this parasitical practice for years.
Too much repetition of identical practices— robbery, extortion, kidnapping-for-ransom— mirror the Somalian state of affairs: the absence of the state writ makes goons the new authority who rule by violence. This may sound like a fictional story; however, it’s the very fabric: weird, violent and vicious.
Restoration from lawlessness isn’t a hard nut to crack; it’s a mere transfer of power from self-serving local elites to the public. If the will is there, there is always a way. The situation is deteriorating by the day though, it is surefire that a quick, coordinated return to the basics will completely tumble all that doesn’t let law prevail
The banditry made irreparable dents on socioeconomic fronts though, and the attempts on educational development are most visible: under the veneer of personal blood feud, more than dozens of enlightenment torchbearers have been killed with only two killing cases— IBA professor Dr Muhammad Ajmal Sawand and a school teacher, Allah Rakhyo Nindwani— have managed to come into the limelight, thanks to the social media. The rest went unreported. Given the loopholes in the system and the existence of nexuses, the law repeatedly fails to handcuff the perpetrators or their patrons. Such surrender of the law verifies the existence of the “absent leviathan” and replenishment of the non-state actors.
A place otherwise known as a ‘milieu of danger’, a ‘no-go area’, and a ‘red zone’, where the traffic travels in convoy, where socioeconomic activities are shunned after dark, where the population feel as if virtually living in a Hobbesian state of nature, doing anything good, such as teaching, is no less than calling to danger. Plus, it is no safe zone for journalists (unless they submit to corruption and patronage) and other social activists that tend to harm the bandit raj. Since power flows from the barrel of gun, none dare stand against banditry (since nexuses, the other actors, readily rescue the wanted ones in times of hardship, rare as that is) and if still one does stand, one never gets away with it, and hence pays the price one way or the other.
That is, the carefully curated structure, started with lawlessness, fueled by bandits, perpetuated by nexuses, signals to follow the old maxim: when in Rome, do as Romans do. When operating in Kashmore, journalists, writers, truth seekers are invited to serve as minions, sycophants, else are warned to remain silent. Resultantly, rarely yet reluctantly, one voices against the established norms, customs and systems.
Policing? Potentially powerful yet conquerable policing turned things from bad to worse as hardly ever had ever one witnessed police returning with flying colours in an operation against the bandits, Just the funds and fuel get authorized on paper. Corrupt ground level staff, frequent changes of superintendents, unavailability of modern equipment and armament bestow bandits an edge over police, as too many successfully failed attempts to obliterate the bandits’ existence testify. Many superintendents (on conditional basis though) led operations with the intention to make law rule, fell short to achieve the intended aim either due to undue transfers or the hierarchy’s ‘orders’.
Regionally, the word ‘police’ is more frightening than ‘bandit’ or ‘dharel’ itself, given that the police or policing is notorious for public and crime exploitation. If one is robbed and turns to the police for recovery, a victim may spend more on red tape and police action than he was robbed, and ironically, ends up spending double the amount of what he was actually robbed: half to the illegal robbery and half to the legal one. Such policing, supposedly existing to protect, plots to exploit. Plus, in order to make prevail an ephemeral peace, the police allegedly compromises: a consensus is made with the gun-powered. In other words, a quid pro quo passes that stipulates both the parties are not to bother the other for a declared time.
However, conditional operationalization of police hasn’t allowed the department to serve to its full potential. Local, influential patronage tightens the noose of a bold, pragmatic officer to veer and revert back anytime one tries to stand against the lawlessness. Internal and external irregularities: officers serving as go-betweens, promotions, postings, paid leaves rendered by external recommendations or internal bribery, customary obligations, regional dos and don’ts make every police action a conditional, compromised one that rarely renders results.
Respite from relentless lawlessness is a bare minimum part of the people’s demand. Police reforms, practical policy changes, political patronage negation, hiring merit, firing and holding go-betweens responsible, transparency and accountability; anyone from above can turn the tables.
Restoration from lawlessness isn’t a hard nut to crack; it’s a mere transfer of power from self-serving local elites to the public. If the will is there, there is always a way. The situation is deteriorating by the day though, it is surefire that a quick, coordinated return to the basics will completely tumble all that doesn’t let law prevail.
pbysod