By Faateh Nasir
History has often witnessed the hapless efforts of greater powers to subdue states perceived as lesser powers to establish regional hegemony. During this tussle, the lines of morality and transparency become blurred to the point of disappearance. The manufacturing of casus belli for war turns out to be no more than dreams of jingoism and destruction of objective reasoning.
Until ‘Bunyanm Marsoos’ the state appeared to be on the path of isolationism due to deteriorating diplomatic relations with its neighbours and benefactors. This ailment was exacerbated by the plague of terrorism—sponsored and homegrown. Much to the apparent indifference of the government of Pakistan, its people stared at an abyss of hopelessness and demoralization. While loud promises of recovery and prosperity were met with soft to little applause, the polity had grown weary of the economic burden placed by the mismanagement of resources and an increased tax burden to meet the fiscal needs of the state exchequer.
The ‘four-day war’ induced a state of euphoria and optimism through a classic David and Goliath scenario which ended in a humiliating retreat on the Indian side with its war cabinet effectively discredited. It appears that for all its projection of power and hubris on account of economic progression, the Indian state forgot to factor in the resilience and determination of the people and armed forces of Pakistan. The uncompromising stance of this glorious Indus civilisation was perfectly encapsulated in a famous interview of President Ziaul Haq with John McLaughlin. President Zia was questioned on the nuclear capability of Pakistan and his response left the interviewer and the west frazzled: “freedom has no price…we love our freedom and we love our autonomy.”
Of particular note is the measured and composed response of the Pakistani armed forces, which did not allow escalation but rather delivered a decisive strike by painting the sky green. Although the downing of the Rafale jets sent shockwaves throughout the world, the performance of the Pakistani Airforce achieved a monumental feat by shattering the illusion of a hegemonic India, an indivisible India, a greater India, or as those across the border dream of calling it – Akhand Bharat. The aftermath has been assessed as a truce brokered through the mediation of the American government, marked by a vivid shift in stance by our American counterparts: from neutrality to active brokering of a ceasefire.
This episode ended with a celebratory promotion of the now decorated Field Marshal Asim Munir, one of two people to attain this prestigious rank in the country’s history. Critics deem this affair as an affirmation of a purported cessation of civilian supremacy, yet those standing in defiance of the establishment have grossly misread the public mood. The PTI and its incarcerated patron-in-chief must realise that constant struggle and a flawed notion of freedom based on ethno-populist sentiment is not and cannot serve the interests of Pakistan. As opposed to acting like a fanatical order bent on sowing dissent and hatred into the minds of its voter-base it should focus on ways to conciliate with the government of the day, because it is doubtable that Rawalpindi is in any mood to listen to Mr Khan’s exhaustive list of grievances.
The diplomatic interlude to this ordeal has proved to be relatively successful. The flurry of engagements with heads of state in the Caucasus region has delivered a resounding blow in the face of silence from purported allies of India. Particularly important was the meeting between Premier Sharif and President Putin, which displaced the trust that the Indian government had placed in their historical allies. One may suspect that the failure to defend the S-400 missile system or rumours surrounding its destruction on 10th May may have irritated Moscow. India finds itself surrounded by countries which are not willing to submit to its claims of regional supremacy, as connoted by the unsurprising shift in Bangladesh’s diplomatic stance.
Crystallisation of a tasteful celebration occurred in the flocking of state officials and diplomats towards the charming delegation of Mr Bhutto-Zardari that has earned the admiration of domestic and international spectators. To the contrary, one almost feels sorry for the beleaguered Mr. Tharoor, who has to appease the very powers he often criticizes. More shocking is the apparent denial of audience to the oft-menacing S. Jaishankar, whose swift retorts (pun intended) are the subject of frequent discussion in diplomatic corridors.
Wars (especially successful ones) uplift the public mood and reduce polarisation in the name of collective unity. However, in the aftermath lies the key to ensured political survival. Analysts have scrambled to deliver an ambivalent message, with some viewing the federal budget (2025-2026) as partial capitulation to the IMF mandate and some viewing it as a cautious yet progressive package. Although the time was ripe for the government to propose sweeping measures to increase its tax base, the continued protection afforded to the real estate and informal trading sector has resulted in a persisting budgetary deficit.
Certainly, positive measures are being taken by Premier Sharif to promote business activity through the revision of import duties and a reduction in development expenditure. Urgent measures are still required to address the growing deficit in the development of human capital; whereby educated and skilled Pakistanis are able to contribute to formal services and manufacturing industries. While the government is actively pursuing an aggressive strategy to attract investment from various companies in the cryptocurrency sector to invest in Pakistan, these ideas may be moot in the face of discouraging corporate taxes, which have already resulted in the departure of many foreign businesses operating within the jurisdiction of Pakistan.
In the spirit of ending this episode on a positive note, the curtain fall should be followed by a gratuitous appreciation of the patience and support exhibited by the people of Pakistan through dialogue and engagement to address legitimate concerns—political and economic.
The writer graduated from the London School of Economics and Political Science with a degree in law (LLB, Hons).
Prior to undertaking his further education, he received his secondary and high school education from Aitchison College, Lahore, where he graduated with high merits and was named on the Dean’s Honour List.
