The Naka Culture in Pakistan
Naka culture, named after the Urdu Nakabandi (checkpoint system), is a long-established practice in Pakistan whereby short-term or semi-permanent checkpoints are established by law-enforcement agencies, local civic authorities, criminal networks, and even militants. In Pakistan, the Naka culture is a multi-layered socio-political phenomenon having deep traces in both the security apparatus and governance of the country. These checkpoints were initially aimed at improving the security of civilians, combating terrorism, and regulating traffic, but they have now become means of exploitation, harassment, and adjuncts to control. Rather than serving the common good, it is now seen by many as a means of illegal rent-seeking, racial profiling and over-surveillance.
The duality highlights how urgently reform is required. Pakistan does not require more nakas; it requires smarter policing. Full implementation of the Police Order 2002, functional oversight bodies, clear SOPs, and technology like bodycams and license plate systems can ensure transparency. Reforming naka culture ultimately tests Pakistan’s constitutional commitment to dignity, fairness, accountability, democratic governance, and the rule of law
The idea of a checkpoint in the Indian subcontinent dates as far back as ancient times when they would be utilised by rulers in order to control trade lines and collect taxes. In the Mughal and the British colonial periods, nakas became institutions along with the revenue collection and law enforcement systems. Upon the independence of Pakistan in 1947, the new administration continued on with this mechanism, largely as a security measure along borders and to collect border customs. The very nature and role of the nakas have changed with the 1980s Afghan jihad and especially post-9/11 as Pakistan becomes a frontline state in the War on Terror.
Recently reported figures by the Punjab Police Annual Security Report (2025) have shown a rise of 17 percent in registered checkpoints all over the province, the total being 1,407 checkpoints. This growth has also come with the Safe Punjab Initiative by the provincial government which has introduced 214 new smart nakas that would use fourth-generation surveillance technologies, such as AI-powered behaviour analysis systems, along with integrated drone surveillance.
Naka culture has been a firmly established component in Pakistan’s policing arena, and in 2025 numbers reveal the extent to which naka culture has penetrated the daily operations of governance, safety and citizen-state interactions.
Monthly data from the Punjab Police in early 2025 reflect a steady pace: in January PHP checked 3.3 million people and 1.4 million vehicles, arrested 632 proclaimed offenders, recovered 221 stolen vehicles, penalized 46,168 overloaded vehicles, and issued 17,698 licences, while also reuniting 44 missing children, removing 338 encroachments, and aiding over 13,000 passengers. February 2025 saw 3.1 million individuals and 1.5 million vehicles checked, 680 offenders arrested, 261 stolen vehicles recovered, action against 43,866 overloaded vehicles, over 13,000 licenses issued, 30 children reunited, and seizures of 932 L alcohol, 1,555 g charas, and 120 g heroin. In March, checks rose to 3.7 million individuals and 1.7 million vehicles, with 629 arrests, 280 stolen recoveries, 56,539 overloaded vehicles penalized, 12,955 licenses issued, 37 children reunited, and confiscation of 989 L of alcohol, 37,980 g of charas, and 120 g of ice. Meanwhile, in April, the numbers reached 3.8 million individuals and 1.6 million vehicles, with 492 proclaimed offenders arrested, 280 stolen vehicles recovered, 45,091 overloaded vehicles tackled, 23,293 licenses issued, 64 children reunited, and seizures of 4 Kalashnikovs, 12 rifles, 61 pistols, plus 2,086 L of alcohol, 4,730 g of charas, and 100 g of ice.
All these figures on the surface seem amazing but reflective of underlying issues. The extensive nature of these checkpoints– handling over 30 million people every year– is highly troubling in terms of civil liberties. Citizens report harassment and often extensive surveillance and bribe demands at nakas, and such spaces that are designed for civic safety become zones of possible extortion.
Nowadays, naka culture is not about safeguarding society or keeping citizens safe; it is about dominating them.
The authoritarian nature of the practices of naka culture, particularly the checking of phones by police in Lahore and Islamabad, is something feared, as it risks political spying and intrusions into privacy, and the trust citizens have in the police declines as they are seen as controlling rather than protective.
Corruption at nakas has adapted to changing times, shifting from traditional cash bribes to digital transfers and “fast-track fees”. Transparency International Pakistan (2024) reported that 61 percent of transporters still faced extortion, despite these new methods. The Punjab Anti-Corruption Department estimated bribe collections at Rs 12 billion annually in 2023, with individual payments ranging from Rs 750 to 6,300 per vehicle. In 2024 alone, the Punjab Police’s publicly accessible “Naka Performance Dashboard” recorded 14,892 corruption complaints.
Transporters have actively protested against these practices. The All Pakistan Goods Transporters Association staged a 10-day sit-in at Karachi’s Sohrab Goth, alleging that each truck was forced to pay Rs 1,200–2,000 per naka, amounting to Rs 40,000–60,000 monthly. Despite government committees, little reform followed. As one truck owner described, “Every naka has its own rate. If we don’t pay, they detain us for hours or file false FIRs.”
In Lahore, motorbike riders often face harassment during “special checking” drives. The Urban Resource Centre (URC) reported that 73 percent of those stopped were youth aged 18–28, with over half pressured for chai pani bribes, particularly in low-income areas like Shahdara and Kot Lakhpat.
Economically, nakas impose heavy costs. A 2024 PIDE study estimated losses of Rs 70 billion annually to the trucking sector due to bribes and delays, pushing consumer prices up by 5–10 percent. The FBR reported Rs 500 billion in untaxed goods bypassing nakas each year, while a BBC investigation revealed truckers in Karachi alone face extortion of Rs 50 million monthly.
Public trust in checkpoints remains deeply eroded. Gallup Pakistan’s 2025 survey found only 34 percent of citizens see nakas as security-driven, compared to 63 percent linking them to extortion. Gendered abuse persists too, with 22 percent of women reporting harassment and the Aurat Foundation noting 25 percent of female drivers experiencing discomfort.
The economic loss of naka culture is large. According to the study of PIDE (2024) estimated the 7-12 percent increases in logistics costs due to bribery and delays at checkpoints that hurt the competitiveness of Pakistani trade. FBR data prior to that showed smuggling of Rs 250 billion in 2023, which was subsequently curbed to Rs 180 billion in the next year, 2024, as a result of increased scrutiny. The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Citizens Report Card (2024) also indicated that 38 percent low-income citizens could not avoid paying bribes despite holding valid papers, which are ultimately paid by the consumers as a form of a hidden tax.
At the same time, nakas have delivered tangible security results. Punjab CTD arrested 187 terrorist suspects in 2024, a 31.7 percent increase from the previous year, while NADRA systems flagged 2,417 persons of interest in early 2025. Customs also reported record seizures worth Rs 15.2 billion.
The duality highlights how urgently reform is required. Pakistan does not require more nakas; it requires smarter policing. Full implementation of the Police Order 2002, functional oversight bodies, clear SOPs, and technology like bodycams and license plate systems can ensure transparency. Reforming naka culture ultimately tests Pakistan’s constitutional commitment to dignity, fairness, accountability, democratic governance, and the rule of law.
One writer has an MPhil in Political Science from Punjab University Lahore, and can be reached at [email protected]
The other writer is a lecturer of English at Government College University Faisalabad, and can be reached at [email protected]
By: Arslan Mehndi Nekokara and Malik Sallah Ud Din
