Why the world must finally hold Kabul accountable 

For four years, the Afghan Taliban have insisted that they are a transformed movement—responsible, moderate, and prepared to honor commitments made to the international community. Yet their record since returning to power in August 2021 has proven the opposite. Far from fulfilling the promises laid out in written agreements such as the 2020 Doha Accord and the 2024 Pakistan–UAE–Afghanistan trilateral arrangement, the Taliban have repeatedly violated their obligations while reaping political concessions, financial inflows, and diplomatic space. Today, Afghanistan is no longer merely unstable; it is a revived hub for transnational jihadism. The world can no longer afford to look away.

The Doha Agreement’s first requirement was clear: The Taliban would enter intra-Afghan dialogue to negotiate a political settlement with the then-government in Kabul. In return, 5,000 Taliban prisoners were released on the condition that they would not rejoin militancy. What followed was a straightforward betrayal. Instead of sitting across the table from the Ashraf Ghani administration, the Taliban escalated their offensive, and a significant number of the released prisoners returned immediately to the battlefield. The result was not political compromise but the violent takeover of Kabul in August 2021.

Taliban 2.0 promised inclusivity and moderation. What Afghanistan received instead was an exclusionary, hardline emirate that mirrors the obscurantist rule of the 1990s. Women and girls were banned from secondary and higher education, barred from most workplaces, and erased from public life. Ethnic minorities—Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras, and others—remain structurally marginalized. Afghanistan is home to 14 major ethnic groups, yet the Taliban regime is almost entirely Pashtun in composition. In a 49-member cabinet, only a handful of Tajiks, Uzbeks, Baloch, or Nuristanis are present; every key ministry is held by Pashtuns aligned with the Kandahar Shura. The leadership is composed almost exclusively of former Taliban commanders, not technocrats or representatives of Afghanistan’s diverse society. The Taliban promised change, but inequality and repression remain cornerstones of their rule.

The second major plank of the Doha Agreement was even clearer: The Taliban would never again allow Afghan soil to be used to threaten other countries. Instead, Afghanistan has regressed into a sanctuary for global jihadist groups. The killing of Ayman al-Zawahiri in Kabul in August 2022—one year after the Taliban assumed power—was the first unmistakable sign. Repeated assessments by analysts and former

intelligence officials indicate that senior al-Qaeda figures, including Saif al-Adl and Hamza bin Laden, have been sheltered in Kabul.

Multiple credible international reports reinforce this pattern. UN monitoring teams in 2025 detailed al-Qaeda’s efforts to reorganize in Afghanistan, rebuild networks, and reactivate sleeper cells abroad. The General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI)—the Taliban’s intelligence arm—has been implicated in providing safe houses, movement passes, and weapon permits to Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) leaders. Estimates suggest 6,000–6,500 TTP fighters and a dozen senior al-Qaeda operatives are present in Afghanistan. The Taliban’s continued tolerance—indeed facilitation—of these groups directly threatens Pakistan and the wider region.

Pakistan has borne the brunt of this failure. Despite signing a trilateral agreement with Pakistan and the UAE in 2024—which included commitments to relocate TTP militants away from the border—the Taliban delivered only symbolic compliance. A few hundred fighters were moved, with no transparency or monitoring mechanism. Some of the funds designated for relocation reportedly ended up bolstering extremist groups under the guise of refugee assistance.

Despite enormous diplomatic outreach—four visits by Pakistan’s Foreign Minister, multiple missions by senior defense officials, hundreds of flag meetings, demarches, and protest notes—the Taliban have refused to sever ties with militant groups that target Pakistan. Instead, the flow of NATO weapons worth an estimated USD 7 billion—abandoned during the U.S. withdrawal—has strengthened TTP and other anti-Pakistan proxies.

The Taliban’s behavior is not just a regional problem; it is a global one. In recent months, Russia, China, Iran, Central Asian states, the UN, the SCO, and even the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) have issued stern warnings. Their assessments are unambiguous: Afghanistan has become the central incubator of transnational terrorism. From ISIS-Khorasan training camps to al-Qaeda networks and TTP staging posts, the country is once again a launchpad for violence far beyond its borders.

These concerns are not “political accusations.” They are formal statements from major powers and international organizations. The Taliban have violated their commitments under the Doha Agreement and subsequent promises to regional states. They have taken financial assistance—USD 80 million per month from the U.S. at one point, additional funding from UN agencies, and relocation support from UAE—without altering their conduct.

The world must now accept what is evident: the Taliban have no intention of fulfilling their promises. Their regime remains ideologically rigid, internationally duplicitous, and regionally destabilizing.

The international community must move past hopeful rhetoric and adopt a policy anchored in accountability. If the Taliban continue to provide sanctuary to terrorist groups, violate human rights, and undermine regional stability, punitive measures must follow—including targeted sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and restrictions on financial flows that prop up their regime. A stable Afghanistan is in everyone’s interest. But stability cannot be built on deception. The time for wishful thinking is over; the Taliban must finally be held responsible for the promises they have broken.