China Opportunity 2.0
At WEF’s New Champions meeting in Dalian, leaders signal they won’t decouple from China. Premier Li Qiang argues “China Shock 2.0” is wrong, citing trade momentum—while partners demand fairer benefits.

Why the World Refuses to Decouple
When over 1700 business and political leaders gathered in the northeastern Chinese port city of Dalian last month for the World Economic Forum's Annual Meeting of the New Champions, they were not merely attending a conference. They were, in a sense, casting a vote.
Amid geopolitical tensions, economic uncertainty and rapid technological change, the fact that representatives from more than 90 countries chose to show up in Dalian is itself a statement of stance. The world, for all its anxieties about China, has not yet decoupled from it. And there are good reasons why.
The forum's theme, "Innovating at Scale," captures something real about China's current trajectory. The global economy entered 2026 on what looked like a resilient, if uncertain, path. Five months in, the picture is harder to read.
War in the Middle East has unsettled energy markets. Sluggish productivity growth persists despite record levels of investment in artificial intelligence. Inflationary pressures have eased in some economies only to resurface in others.
Against that backdrop of accumulated anxiety, Chinese Premier Li Qiang used his address at the opening plenary to push back against what he called the narrative of "China Shock 2.0" - the idea that China's industrial rise is disrupting the global economy in damaging, zero-sum ways. Beijing's counter-argument deserves a fair hearing, even from those inclined to be skeptical.
The Chinese government's position is that China represents not a shock to the world economy but an opportunity for it. Beijing describes an economy that has maintained, in the premier's words, "strong resilience and positive momentum" as it enters the first year of its 15th Five-Year Plan- one whose stability provides a rare source of certainty at a moment when certainty is hard to find. These are not empty assertions.
China's exports expanded by 19.4 percent year-on-year in May 2026, surpassing market expectations, while imports rose sharply by 27.4 percent. China is already the world's second-largest import market, and its growing middle-income population means domestic demand still has considerable room to expand. That is not the profile of a country purely dumping goods onto the world while locking its own market shut.
Still, the picture is more complicated than Beijing's forum address suggested. China's record trade surplus of $1.2 trillion last year has generated real tensions with many trading partners- including its largest, ASEAN- which has faced a flood of underpriced Chinese goods. China's export surge in the first quarter of 2026 saw double-digit growth in sales to developing markets across Southeast Asia and Africa, with a marked acceleration toward higher-value manufactured goods.
What the gathering in Dalian does clarify is that the world is not choosing between engaging with China and protecting itself from China. It is trying, awkwardly and imperfectly, to do both at once. The leaders who flew to Dalian this week understand that China is too large, too innovative and too deeply embedded in the global supply chain to be wished away. The more honest question is not whether to engage, but how to do so in ways that distribute the benefits more equitably, manage the disruptions more fairly and build the kind of reciprocal trust that makes deeper cooperation possible over time.
The question many countries are now asking is whether this tidal wave of competitive Chinese manufacturing is something they can ride or something they need to resist. The answer, for most, is that they are not sure- and that uncertainty is not going away simply because Beijing frames its industrial policy in the language of shared prosperity.
Nor is the trade imbalance the only source of friction. China's dominance in critical supply chains- from electric vehicle batteries to solar panels to rare earth processing- has prompted a wave of industrial policy responses from the USA, the European Union and others. Tariffs, subsidy programmes and strategic stockpiling have multiplied.
The language of "de-risking" has become standard in capitals from Brussels to Tokyo. Yet despite this, the same governments pursuing de-risking strategies sent their business representatives to Dalian. The contradiction is not hypocrisy. It is the messy reality of a world that cannot afford to walk away from China even as it tries to reduce its exposure.
Where the case for "China Opportunity 2.0" is most compelling is in the realm of technology, and specifically artificial intelligence. The Chinese government's position at Dalian was that its AI sector has experienced explosive growth, with multiple Chinese large language models achieving significant performance breakthroughs and daily token consumption surpassing 100 trillion by the end of May.
China's 15th Five-Year Plan mentions AI more than 50 times, placing it at the center of the country's economic agenda- a proposed solution to its most pressing structural challenges, from slowing growth to demographic decline to the massive productivity gaps that still exist between China's coastal cities and its interior provinces.
Chinese developers have pursued an open-source, low-token-cost approach to AI, and early evidence suggests that strategy is gaining real-world traction globally. The broader implication is significant: China is not simply building AI for its own domestic economy. It is building AI infrastructure that could lower the cost of access globally, particularly for developing countries that cannot afford frontier Western models priced for wealthy-market consumers.
If that proves out, the geopolitical implications are considerable- not just economically, but in terms of which countries anchor their digital futures to Chinese platforms, Chinese standards and Chinese norms. The World Economic Forum noted that the evolution of China's innovation model will influence growth across Asia and beyond. That is almost certainly true, and the direction of that influence is not yet settled.
Beijing's commitment to openness is genuine in some respects. The fourth China International Supply Chain Expo opened in Beijing just days before Summer Davos, attracting more than 1,200 exhibitors from 85 countries and regions, with foreign-invested companies accounting for over 36 percent of total participants. Global businesses, it turns out, have not been stampeded by the political noise about decoupling. Investment follows opportunity, and for many multinationals, China still represents the world's most consequential single market.
But openness is not a one-way street, and engagement is not the same as trust. Li Qiang's call at Dalian for deeper international cooperation on AI governance is welcome - and his acknowledgment that ungoverned technology and ethical failures pose real systemic risks reflects a candor that is not always evident in official Chinese communications. Yet meaningful cooperation requires reciprocity: on data governance, on market access, on regulatory transparency. Words in conference halls matter less than rules that are actually enforced at borders and in courts.
What the gathering in Dalian does clarify is that the world is not choosing between engaging with China and protecting itself from China. It is trying, awkwardly and imperfectly, to do both at once. The leaders who flew to Dalian this week understand that China is too large, too innovative and too deeply embedded in the global supply chain to be wished away. The more honest question is not whether to engage, but how to do so in ways that distribute the benefits more equitably, manage the disruptions more fairly and build the kind of reciprocal trust that makes deeper cooperation possible over time.
That is a harder question than any speech at Summer Davos can answer. But asking it seriously - and refusing to be satisfied with either naive optimism or reflexive suspicion - is where the real work begins.
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