The country belongs to DHAs

Dr Zafar Khan Safdar
5 min read
The country belongs to DHAs

How can excellence be replicated?

Drive through Defence Housing Authority Lahore, pass the guarded gates of Defence Housing Authority Islamabad-Rawalpindi, or follow the coastal sweep of Defence Housing Authority Karachi, and a quiet realization settles in that you are not merely entering a neighbourhood; you are entering a parallel Pakistan.

The roads are smooth, electricity is stable, security is visible, water supply is reliable, and municipal breakdowns that define most urban life are largely absent. Connectivity is not accidental but engineered. DHA zones are linked through carefully planned access roads, signal-free corridors, and in some cases underpasses and dedicated interchanges on major highways and motorways. The system is not just maintained but continuously upgraded.

Outside these gates, the contrast is structural. Cities struggle with broken roads, load-shedding, inconsistent water supply, encroachments, and delayed municipal response. Infrastructure exists, but its quality, speed of delivery, and maintenance are uneven. The result is a perception of two urban realities: one characterized by reliable services and planned development, and another where citizens regularly contend with deficiencies in basic infrastructure and municipal management.

This is not a legal claim but a reflection of perceived institutional power, the ability to acquire land, shape development, secure approvals, attract investment, and integrate projects into national infrastructure networks with a speed and coordination that ordinary civilian housing societies, and often even public development authorities, find difficult to match. For many observers, this difference is not explained by efficiency alone but by the nature of the institutional backing that enables it.

DHA is widely seen not just as a housing authority, but as an extension of institutional strength. Its origins were functional and welfare-based, created to provide organized housing for military personnel and families of shuhadaa. Over time, however, it evolved into one of the most powerful real-estate systems in Pakistan. That evolution matters because land in Pakistan is not just property; it is power. And DHA sits at the centre of that power.

But power in this context is not merely financial. DHA derives its influence from its association with Pakistan’s most powerful institution. Its governance structures have historically included serving and retired military officers, and it operates within an ecosystem closely linked to the defence establishment. This connection gives it a degree of administrative reach, institutional authority, and access to decision-making channels that few civilian housing bodies can match. As a result, what appears externally as rapid development is often seen internally as the outcome of unusually strong institutional backing.

Across major cities, large-scale land is incorporated into DHA expansions with a level of speed and coordination rarely seen in civilian housing schemes. Once land is earmarked, its value changes immediately. Investment flows in, files are traded, and markets respond even before physical development begins. The ‘announcement effect’ itself becomes a financial instrument. Yet beyond the financial dynamics, what stands out is how supporting infrastructure tends to align and follow these developments.

The country belonging to DHAs captures a lived contradiction in Pakistan where a state capable of creating highly ordered, well-serviced urban environments in select zones, while struggling to extend the same consistency across its broader urban fabric. It is not a literal claim of ownership, but a reflection of where state capacity is most visibly and effectively translated into reality, through institutions that concentrate authority, access and execution in ways the wider system does not.

In many cases, major public infrastructure projects appear to converge around DHA expansion corridors such as widened roads, flyovers, underpasses, and motorway linkages that improve direct connectivity to these zones. Whether coincidence or coordination, the perception that infrastructure gravitates toward elite housing developments has become deeply embedded in public discourse.

This raises an uncomfortable but necessary question: why does state capacity appear concentrated in certain spaces while diluted in others? The same country that struggles to maintain municipal roads, regulate encroachments, or ensure reliable public services is also capable of delivering high-standard infrastructure within select urban enclaves. The issue is not technical capability alone. Pakistan has engineers, planners, contractors, and administrators across both civilian and military domains. The deeper question is one of access to authority, prioritisation, and institutional backing that determines what gets executed and where.

Inside DHA, governance is centralised, disciplined, and backed by an institution whose authority is rarely questioned. Outside it, urban management is fragmented across multiple civilian bodies burdened by overlapping jurisdictions, political interference, litigation, and resource constraints. The result is a two-tier urban system: one execution-driven and insulated, the other overstretched and reactive. This is why DHA is often perceived not simply as a housing model, but as an institution with exceptional ability to mobilise land, infrastructure, and enforcement capacity.

This does not negate the role or relevance of civilian institutions. Rather, it highlights a structural imbalance in execution capacity. Where civilian municipal bodies face delays, legal bottlenecks, political pressure, and funding shortages, institutionally backed development systems are often perceived to operate with greater speed, coordination, and authority.

The real challenge for the state is not the existence of DHA or similar models. The challenge is replication. If high standards of planning, enforcement, infrastructure delivery, and maintenance are possible in one segment of society, then the long-term question is why they remain exceptions rather than norms. A country cannot sustainably function through pockets of excellence surrounded by widespread inconsistency. Urban dignity cannot depend on gated access, and infrastructure quality cannot remain an enclave privilege.

The country belonging to DHAs captures a lived contradiction in Pakistan where a state capable of creating highly ordered, well-serviced urban environments in select zones, while struggling to extend the same consistency across its broader urban fabric. It is not a literal claim of ownership, but a reflection of where state capacity is most visibly and effectively translated into reality, through institutions that concentrate authority, access and execution in ways the wider system does not.

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Dr Zafar Khan Safdar
Dr Zafar Khan Safdar

The writer has a PhD in Political Science, and is a visiting faculty member at QAU Islamabad. He can be reached at [email protected] and tweets @zafarkhansafdar

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