Democracy in danger

US democracy is facing increasing problems

Washington Watch

Almost three decades ago, I was on a US Embassy-sponsored speaking tour in Yemen before its 1993 national elections. After giving a lecture at the university in Sanaa, I met with the leaders of the various political parties— at their offices or at afternoon “ghat sessions.” At each meeting I heard complaints about repressive and anti-democratic behaviors of the ruling party. Some were serious human rights violations; others were seemingly petty but still threatening in a fragile, new democracy— “they’re tearing down our signs,” “they’re passing out money to buy support,” or “they’re harassing our volunteers.”

To these latter complaints, I would respond “We’ve had that problem in Michigan,” or “We call it ‘walking around money’ and we’ve seen that in Philadelphia,” or “We faced that kind of harassment from the party establishment during the 1984 Jesse Jackson campaign.”

At one point, when my US Embassy escort asked why I was saying these things, I responded: “Because they’re true. I’m not going to pretend that we’re perfect. If I do, why would anyone ever think they could emulate us?” I went on to note that while we’re not perfect, we do have a system that provides us the opportunity to hold violators accountable, allowing us to correct our errors and rectify abuses.

I don’t think I could say it today.

While some Americans still cling to the belief that we are “the shining city on the hill,” the model for emerging democracies worldwide, what’s becoming disturbingly clear is that our democracy is in danger.

We’re not yet like Lebanon, Israel, or Iraq— where criminal behaviour goes unpunished, ideological divisions create paralysis, and the lack of comity results in chaos. But unless we take a long hard look in the mirror, recognize the crisis facing us, and take corrective measures, that’s where we’re heading.

We project to the world that free and fair elections and protection of personal and political rights are the foundations of a democratic order. And we judge other countries by the extent to which they provide for both. But while these may be the foundations, it’s accountability and mutual respect between winners and losers that are the mortar that hold these building blocks in place. Without them, the entire edifice is at risk of crumbling. Sadly, the corrosive effects of the lack of accountability and comity are taking their toll on the US today.

Examples abound: The Bush administration fabricated the reasons for the war in Iraq and passed laws and executive orders that violated fundamental rights of both legal immigrants and citizens after the horrific 9/11 terror attacks. They also prepared “legal” documents legitimating the use of torture. There was no accountability for the fabrications, lies, or use of torture.

And, of course, the 6 January 2021, insurrection and the criminal acts of incitement that preceded it (and continue) cry out for accountability. Yet a divided Congress rejected a full bipartisan investigation, forcing Democrats to proceed with just a few brave Republicans who risked their careers to join the effort to uncover the truth about this unprecedented threat to American democracy. What might have been a unified quest for accountability is now challenged by Republicans as a mere partisan ploy.

Leading Republicans continue to maintain that the 2020 election was stolen, and their acolytes are running and winning elections for sensitive posts that will oversee future elections. In addition, with new legislation in many states that will make it more difficult to vote, free and fair elections may be at risk.

If the absence of accountability poses a threat to the democratic order, the polarization of politics is equally damaging. There was a time when the parties, despite their differences, would unite to pass legislation in the national interest and to defer to the White House on presidential appointments. Some Republicans supported civil rights and health and safety legislation and passed budgets, while Democrats supported Reagan’s and Bush’s tax cuts and educational reforms. Both sides approved appointments and nominations to high office by presidents of the opposing party.

Newt Gingrich’s becoming Speaker of the House of Representatives began a new order in US politics. Congress became a partisan club used to pummel the Clinton Administration, harassing Clinton for six years, inventing scandals to investigate before finally succeeding in impeaching him for lying about a sexual encounter with a White House intern.

This partisan dysfunction has only grown uglier over time— today reaching such disastrous proportions that Congress is unable to muster the votes needed to pass an appropriation to provide vaccines to protect against new variants of the coronavirus.

Instead of a “city on the hill,” we’ve become a lesson in what can happen without accountability and political comity. Our dysfunctions mimic those of Lebanon where sectarianism blocks accountability for a prime minister’s assassination or a deadly explosion in Beirut’s port. Or like Israel, where a former prime minister on trial for corruption and influence peddling stymies legislation favoured by his supporters to prevent giving his opponents a victory. Or like Iraq, where the losing parties block the winners from forming a government and the frustrated winners seize parliament, demanding a new election.

We’re not yet like Lebanon, Israel, or Iraq— where criminal behaviour goes unpunished, ideological divisions create paralysis, and the lack of comity results in chaos. But unless we take a long hard look in the mirror, recognize the crisis facing us, and take corrective measures, that’s where we’re heading.

Dr James J Zogby
Dr James J Zogby
The writer is President, Arab American Institute.

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